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Listening to what the member for Banks Mr Melham had to say, it reminded me a bit of the Bourbons. I think Labor has learnt nothing and forgotten nothing when it comes to approaching this whole issue.

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Still, according to what the member for Banks has said, Labor has not even made up its mind how it is going to deal with this bill, which I find quite extraordinary. Does that mean that they are still confused? Does it mean they are embarrassed—probably not. Does it mean that it is another example of the sheer arrogance that brought them so undone on 2 March? Whatever it is, I think it really is a disgrace that the Labor Party has not been big enough to come in here and at least admit where it went so terribly wrong and the damage that it has done to so many people because of that.

What has happened in the Hindmarsh Island affair is that we have seen a victory for truth. We saw how, when a minister started to interfere in state matters, he well and truly got his fingers burnt for that meddling. One of the things that really does come to mind is the appalling approach of the Labor Party towards this whole thing, and particularly towards anyone who raised any questions Man looking for woman Hindmarsh Island monday sex what was being done.

When anyone questioned the validity of some of the things that the minister was saying, the general response was to go straight into personal abuse. I really think the whole issue is a very appalling thing. What amazes me about it all, though, is that, now that the truth has come out, now that those who had the courage to stand by the truth have come through, we still do not see the Labor Party being big enough to actually apologise, and not only to those Aboriginal women who had the courage to speak the truth.

Instead, all we get is mealy-mouthed insults and so on. Not only should the Labor Party be apologising to those very courageous women, they should be apologising to all Aboriginal people for what they have done. It really was a very tawdry affair. Not only did it bring the then minister into total disrepute but also it caused quite a lot of damage in relations with the wider community. I think that this was utterly irresponsible.

If the Labor Party had any courage, if there were some real men or women amongst the Labor Party, they would have the decency to apologise to the member for Barker Mr McLachlan. There were some outrageous things said about the member for Barker when he had the courage to stand up for the truth and see it through, and he has been vindicated totally. I guess this piece of legislation is the final chapter, but nonetheless I would have thought that the Labor Party would have had the decency to apologise on all those counts, if they were quite serious about their standing in the community and about the way they have approached this whole affair and the dreadful mess they have caused.

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As has been pointed out by other speakers, this bill should bring to an end a very shameful saga that occurred over recent years. There has been nothing but damage done by the whole approach of the Labor Party on this matter. Not only have there been great social costs but also, as I mentioned, there have been ificant economic costs.

The purpose of this bill is to prevent a declaration being made under the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Protection Act in relation to the Hindmarsh Island Bridge. This should have occurred with a commonsense decision but when this affair is long behind us it will show that this government, and this minister, have acted properly. What it will show is that the government were totally inept, incompetent and were prepared to try and push for a travesty of justice. It has been increasingly clear out of all this just how little understanding the Labor Party has of Aboriginal issues.

We only have to look back to September. Soon we had the shadow minister for Aboriginal affairs on radio saying:. I am not going to take a recommendation to shadow cabinet to support this. It hasn't got a chance at passing in the Senate. Then he went on 4BC saying that this legislation would breach the Racial Discrimination Act but he forgot to check with his leader and at the same time Mr Beazley said in a doorstop when asked whether he supported it:. What it also shows is that after two and half years when all the facts and the truth have come out, Labor still does not know how to respond.

What an appalling indictment on the whole of the former government. I suppose that is not altogether surprising when we look at the track record of Labor when it comes to Aboriginal affairs. After 13 years we look at some areas like, for example, health.

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We find that still the infant mortality rate is two to three times higher than for non-Aboriginals in that area. The male life expectancy of Aboriginals is 16 to 18 years less than for non-Aboriginal males. Diabetes is four times higher in adults and the rate of smoking is double the national average. Looking at housing, after 13 years of Labor we still have problems such as 40 per cent of Aboriginal houses in rural areas needing repair or replacement. In Octoberremote Aboriginal communities lacked adequate water supply, communities lacked appropriate sewage disposal and communities had no electricity.

Looking at education, from to the rise in retention rate to year 12 of indigenous students was 11 per cent below that of non-Aboriginal students. In the proportion of to year-old indigenous students at university was one-third of that of non-Aboriginals. Madam Deputy Speaker, the Hindmarsh saga comes on top on a of other sagas that we saw under the Labor administration. We had the Ros Kelly sports rorts saga; we had the great duel that went on between the former Prime Minister, Mr Hawke, and his successor, Mr Keating, but I really think this saga topped them all.

In February we had a report that was delivered to the South Australian government by Justice Jacobs which said, amongst other things:.

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On 23 May that year Professor Cheryl Saunders was appointed by the then Minister Tickner to report on the section 10 declaration. On 10 July the then Minister Tickner made the famous declaration banning construction of the bridge for 25 years.

On 15 February there was a judicial review by the Federal Court that quashed the Tickner order but he was not going to give up. On 24 February he appealed the court ruling. On 13 Novemberthe royal commission concluded its hearings. There were 6, s of evidence under oath and, extraordinarily, the proponents of the women's business did not even turn up. On 7 December there was a quashing of Tickner's section 10 declaration by the Federal Court and on 19 December Justice Stephens delivered the report.

I quote parts of the major findings:.

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The women's business emerged in response to a need of the anti-bridge lobby to provide something of sufficient cultural ificance to warrant the making of a declaration by the federal minister and the women's business was unknown to the 12 dissident Ngarrindjeri women who gave evidence to the commission and who were described by the royal commissioner as credible witnesses. Looking at the whole of the evidence, including the history of events—the anthropological evidence and the evidence of the dissident women—the whole claim of the women's business from its inception was a fabrication: it was a fabrication.

Clearly, the purpose of the fabrication was to obtain a declaration prohibiting the construction of the Hindmarsh Island Bridge under the Commonwealth's Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Heritage Protection Act I will just come back to that point: the whole claim of the women's business from its inception was a fabrication. It seems extraordinary that the minister was prepared to continue when it was so obvious to everyone but him.

Yet, on 16 JanuarySenator Crowley, who was a deputy for the then Minister Tickner, appointed Justice Mathews to report to her under section On 11 April this year, Piper Alderman, solicitors in Adelaide, lodged a notice in the High Court on behalf of the dissident women questioning the validity of Justice Mathews's appointment.

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On 30 June this year, the Mathews report was handed to Senator the Hon. On 24 July this year, Justice O'Loughlin lifted the stay order on the section 10—on the bridge. On 6 September this year, the High Court—nothing less than the High Court—determined six to one that Justice Mathews's appointment by Tickner was invalid. It is just quite incredible when you look at that whole saga: it just went on and on and on.

The minister getting it wrong and wrong and wrong, and always leaving the bill for someone else to pick up. So we have this extraordinary saga, this extraordinary bungle, and look at the damage it has done to so many people and look at all the other negative from it. If we look at the of this dreadful bungle by the Labor Party, it was costly both economically and socially. In the social sense, it created distrust and animosity in the community.

It was a despicable addition to an already appalling record in the administration of Aboriginal affairs and, of course, it did nothing for the cause of Aboriginal heritage. One can only speculate as to what the possible implications would have been if this women's business decision had gone ahead. There are implications for mining, for development, for agriculture and, of course, there are the other costs.

Look at the further increase in animosity that would have come through this. We are supposed to be working for the opposite; we are supposed to be working for reconciliation and here the Labor Party was doing everything it could to do the exact opposite. The voters in Australia realised what a dreadful thing it was and not only did they throw out the government, of course, they also threw out the minister himself.

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Just look at his court record on this. There were four court rulings: Tickner v. Bropho—all four judges against Tickner; Tickner v. Chapman—all four federal judges against; Tickner v. Douglas—all four judges against; and the High Court ruling on Judge Mathews's appointment—six from seven judges against.

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