Size race looks not n issue with me

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Try out PMC Labs and tell us what you think. Learn More. Extrapolating from the broaden-and-build theory, we hypothesized that positive emotion may reduce the own-race bias in facial recognition. They viewed videos eliciting joy, fear, or neutrality before the learning Experiment 1 or testing Experiment 2 stages of the task. reliably supported the hypothesis. Relative to fear or a neutral state, joy experienced before either stage improved recognition of Black faces and ificantly reduced the own-race bias.

Discussion centers on possible mechanisms for this reduction of the own-race bias, including improvements in holistic processing and promotion of a common in-group identity due to positive emotions. The prevalence of the bias has ificant practical and societal costs. The cognitive and social factors responsible for the ORB remain unclear Slone et al. Some evidence suggests that one reason for the ORB may be that cross-race faces are perceived less holistically than own-race faces Rhodes et al. In essence, cross-race faces may be perceived more like objects. Tanaka and his colleagues recently found that people rely on more holistic information for recognizing own-race faces than for recognizing cross-race faces.

In addition, the inversion effect is more disruptive to recognizing own-race faces than recognizing cross-race faces Rhodes et al. Race is perhaps the most salient social category. Montepare and Opeyo demonstrated that racial differences are detected faster than other social differences, such as gender, age, or emotional expression. People are also ificantly faster at racially categorizing cross-race faces than own-race faces Levin, Levin showed that an enhanced ability to categorize cross-race faces by race is correlated with an impaired ability to recognize cross-race faces; this finding suggests that the ORB occurs because encoding information about racial category interferes with encoding individuating information.

The role of racial categorization is also highlighted by Maclin and Malpasswho argued that the mere act of categorizing a face by race alters how individual facial features are represented in memory. Maclin and Malpass concluded Size race looks not n issue with me the altered perception of cross-race faces due to the categorization process may underlie the ORB. A new perspective on emotions, however, led us to test whether experienced positive emotions can reduce the ORB. The benefits of positive emotions extend beyond the good feelings associated with them.

Positive emotions may have long-term survival benefits by making people more open-minded and flexible, and ultimately better able to see and take advantage of more opportunities in the environment. Studies investigating global versus local attentional processes have found that individuals with negative emotional traits, like anxiety, focus more on local elements, whereas individuals with positive emotional traits, like optimism, focus more on global elements Basso et al.

We have additional evidence linking positive emotions to more holistic perceptions. Because one explanation for the ORB is weaker holistic encoding of cross-race faces than own-race faces Rhodes et al.

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An additional prediction of the broaden-and-build theory is that positive emotions help to build social resources, perhaps by diminishing the salience of group differences. However, we do not know whether these more inclusive social categorizations also extend to racial perceptions. An intriguing possibility is that by promoting a common in-group identity, positive emotions could reduce the ORB by reducing the salience of racial differences.

Possible mechanisms aside, the present experiments were deed to test the initial hypothesis that positive emotions, relative to negative emotions or neutral states, reduce the ORB in facial recognition. Because recognition tasks require at least two stages, an encoding learning stage and a later recognition testing stage, we conducted a pair of experiments to examine the influence of emotions on encoding Experiment 1 and recognizing Experiment 2 pictures of Black and White people of both genders. Brief video segments were used to induce joy, fear, or a neutral state.

Procedures for Experiments 1 and 2 were identical except for the timing of the emotion induction. In Experiment 1, we induced joy, fear, or neutrality prior to face encoding, whereas in Experiment 2, we induced these same states prior to the recognition test. We restricted our analyses to participants identifying themselves as Caucasian. A total of 89 Caucasian students at the University of Michigan 40 males, 49 females participated in the experiments in exchange for course credit.

The same group of participants constituted the neutral group in the two experiments. Fifty-six yearbook-style gray-scale images of Black and Size race looks not n issue with me college-aged individuals were used as visual stimuli. The images were evenly divided by race and gender. Four short videos were used to induce joy, fear, or neutrality. Two videos were used to induce neutral states. All people portrayed in the videos were Caucasian. Two self-report measures were used to assess the effectiveness of the emotion inductions.

Immediately after both the learning and testing phases of the recognition task, participants indicated their emotion at the moment by marking an affect grid. For example, positive valence and high arousal indicate a feeling of joy. They were asked to indicate the degree to which they had felt on a scale from 0 to 8 each of seven different emotions amusement, anger, anxiety, fear, happiness, joy, and sadness during the videos. Each experimental session consisted of four stages: first emotion-induction video, learning phase of the recognition task, second emotion-induction video, and testing phase of the recognition task.

Video inductions were presented on a television monitor. During the learning phase of the face recognition task, participants viewed 28 faces presented in a random order. The faces were presented for ms each, with a 2,ms delay between images. During the testing phase, participants were presented with 56 faces in a random order. Half of these faces were the same 28 shown during the learning phase, and the rest were foils—images not ly viewed.

Images used for both learning and testing were evenly divided by race and gender. Each image remained on screen until a response had been made. As shown in Table 1each emotion-induction video was very effective at producing the desired emotional response. Likewise, the horror clip resulted in ificantly higher reports of negative emotions, such as fear and anxiety, than did the other videos. Emotions were reported on a scale from 0 no emotion to 8 a great deal of emotion. The table reports averages for each video, regardless of whether the video was viewed as the first or second induction.

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Standard deviations are reported in parentheses. Both neutral videos were effectively neutral. The means across all seven emotion-report items were less than 2 on a scale from 0 to 8and the modal response for each item was zero with one exception. There were no ificant gender differences for either neutral induction video. The effectiveness of the emotion inductions was also supported by reported valence and arousal on the affect grids completed immediately after the learning and testing phases.

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One advantage of this statistic is that the value is independent of an observer's threshold for making a response Wickens, To determine the magnitude of the ORB within each emotion condition, we applied paired-sample t tests separately by emotion condition. Considering White and Black faces independently, a set of one-way ANOVAs demonstrated that the elimination of the ORB in the joy conditions was due to improved recognition of Black faces in those conditions. Because the of Experiments 1 and 2 were very similar, Figure 1 depicts recognition performance averaged from both experiments.

Recognition performance discriminability for own-race White and other-race Black faces as a function of emotion induction. Data are averaged across Experiments 1 and 2. Error bars represent standard errors. Additional evidence for the role of emotions in the ORB comes from the correlations between self-reported emotions and recognition of White and Black faces. The of Experiments 1 and 2 provide clear support for the hypothesis that positive emotions can reduce the ORB. In Experiment 1, we found that inducing a positive emotion before faces were learned improved our Caucasian participants' recognition of Black faces, and effectively eliminated differences in recognition of Black and White faces.

Experiment 2 showed this same effect when emotions were induced prior to testing; relative to negative emotion or a neutral state, induced positive emotion improved recognition of Black faces and eliminated the ORB in facial recognition. Taken together, Experiments 1 and 2 establish that positive emotions can reduce and even eliminate the ORB.

Even so, the present experiments do not directly address the mechanism or mechanisms through which this elimination occurs. Drawing from the broaden-and-build theory Fredrickson,we have proposed two separate but not mutually exclusive possibilities. The broadening effect of positive emotions may boost recognition of cross-race faces by Size race looks not n issue with me more holistic perceptual processes Basso et al. It is also possible that positive emotions, by promoting more inclusive social categorizations Dovidio et al.

Induced positive emotion ificantly improved recognition of other-race faces, but had no appreciable effect on recognition of own-race faces. We suspect that this lack of an effect for own-race faces is due to a ceiling effect. If own-race faces are already processed holistically, the boost in holistic processing arising from a positive emotion may not alter performance for own-race faces. Additionally, if White faces are already seen as in-group members, no improvement in own-race recognition would be expected from using more inclusive social categorizations.

It is also interesting to note that the improvements in recognition were equivalent for Black male and Black female faces, which suggests that the more inclusive racial categorizations were not bounded by the gender of the target. Whereas research showed that training could reduce the ORB temporarily Lavrakas et al. We cannot yet generalize our findings to all positive emotions because our positive emotion induction focused on joy and humor. It remains an empirical question whether a positive emotion like contentment would produce a similar reduction in the ORB, or whether laughter is responsible for eliminating the ORB.

Originally, we expected that emotions would most likely influence the ORB by changing how cross-race faces were encoded. However, Experiment 2 showed improved recognition of cross-race faces even when the positive emotion was induced after the faces were encoded.

It is not clear how positive emotions can improve recognition after faces have already been learned. We suspect that improved holistic processing and decreased racial categorization of the test faces allow for more accurate comparisons with faces in memory. We have proposed two possible mechanisms for how positive emotions may eliminate the ORB; however, other possibilities exist. For instance, in a recent neuroimaging study, Caucasian participants exhibited higher levels of amygdala activation upon subliminal presentation of Black faces relative to White faces.

Positive emotions could reduce the ORB by altering amygdala activation, possibly allowing greater activation of the FFA in response to cross-race faces. Indeed, this type of modulated neural activation could underlie changes in holistic processing or racial categorization. The finding that positive emotion can eliminate the ORB suggests one way that positive emotion may help build social resources. Positive emotions, by eliminating the ORB, may alter the way people interact with one another. This contention is supported by experiments showing that inducing positive affect fosters a common in-group identity and reduces intergroup bias Dovidio et al.

Size race looks not n issue with me

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