White guy wants to enpregnant black women

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Jennifer S. Demography 1 April ; 58 2 : — This article explores race differences in the desire to avoid pregnancy or become pregnant using survey data from a random sample of young women ages 18—22 living in a Michigan county and semi-structured interviews with a subsample of 60 of the women. In the survey data, desire for pregnancy, indifference, and ambivalence are very rare but are more prevalent among Black women than White women.

In the semi-structured interviews, although few women described fatalistic beliefs or lack of planning for future pregnancies, Black and White women did so equally often. Women more often described fatalistic beliefs and lack of planning when retrospectively describing their past than when prospectively describing their future.

Using the survey data to compare prospective desires for a future pregnancy with women's recollections of those desires after they conceived, more Black women shifted positive than shifted negative, and Black women were more likely to shift positive than White women—that is, Black women do not differentially retrospectively overreport prospectively desired pregnancies as having been undesired before conception. According to nationally representative survey data, Black-White disparities in unintended pregnancy in the United States are large.

The unintended pregnancy rate is nearly 2. In particular, persistent race differences in unintended pregnancy rates motivate a closer examination of how the concept and its measurement differ for Black and White women. If Black women are less able to fulfill their childbearing desires 1 than White women, this is an important reproductive justice issue. However, some researchers have argued that the apparent Black-White disparity in undesired pregnancy arises from misunderstanding Black women's pregnancy desires.

For example, it may be that young Black women want to get pregnant but tend to retrospectively report those pregnancies as undesired because they are reluctant to admit that they wanted Dash ; Kearney and Levine Conceptually distinct, Black women may have similar desires as White women for pregnancy or to avoid pregnancy but may be less likely to make plans to implement their desires.

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Finally, a possibility that has largely been ignored is that Black women's feelings about their pregnancies may shift to become more negative over the course of their pregnancy or after their child is born, relative to White women's more stable or positively shifting feelings about their pregnancies, particularly if they experience discrimination or other negative responses to their pregnancies. Any of these possibilities could lead to an overestimate of racial inequality in undesired pregnancy.

To address this gap in knowledge, we consider four research questions. First, we address whether young Black women prospectively before conception express more desire for a pregnancy than White women. Second, we consider whether Black women's prospective pregnancy desire is more frequently ambivalent or indifferent toward pregnancy than White women's.

Third, we ask whether Black women's pregnancy plans are qualitatively different than White women's pregnancy plans. Fourth, we test whether pregnant Black women's prospective desires for pregnancy are more likely than pregnant White women's desires to shift negative after they conceive. We draw on two types of data to measure pregnancy desires and plans: 1 unique survey measures of prospective desire for pregnancy and desire to avoid pregnancy, and 2 in-person semi-structured interviews about women's feelings surrounding past and future pregnancies.

We focus on a White guy wants to enpregnant black women important point in the life course: the transition to adulthood, at ages 18—22, when undesired pregnancy rates are the highest Finer and Zolna The TDIB framework incorporates elements of long-standing theories of childbearing behavior, including demographic demand-for-children models e. This framework describes a four-part motivational sequence.

The first part involves largely unconscious childbearing motivational dispositions—namely, traits. They are not our focus in this article. Third, childbearing desires influence intentions plans to try to get pregnant or to avoid getting pregnant. Fourth, intentions lead to specific behaviors that are deed to achieve or avoid pregnancy. Desires take many forms, from deep urges or gut feelings to explicit formulations of wants.

Pregnancy desires, the central concept in this article, reflect whether and how much a woman wants to get pregnant in a specific timeframe. They are driven in part by traits but also by life cycle factors e. The TDIB model draws on this research in conceptualizing ambivalence as simultaneous strong positive and strong negative desires for childbearing, and indifference as simultaneous weak positive and weak negative desires for childbearing.

In contrast to desires, intentions are fully conscious decisions or plans about how to behave to achieve a specific outcome.

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Desires must be translated into intentions before any relevant action is taken. First, conflicting desires e. Second, particularly for behaviors that require a partner, intentions incorporate what others desire e. Third, intentions are constrained by what an individual thinks is actually possible. For example, a woman may want to delay childbearing but have fatalistic views about pregnancy planning, believing that God or other forces determine when pregnancy will occur.

We distinguish between desires and intentions for two reasons. First, desire is what researchers commonly measure—asking what a woman wants or wanted rather than asking about what she intends or plans to do. Geronimus used this framework to explain why older Black women have less healthy births e. If young Black women are White guy wants to enpregnant black women of the potential negative consequences of delaying childbearing, they may want to enter motherhood while young to maximize their chances of a healthy pregnancy and birth.

In addition, given higher morbidity and mortality rates earlier in the life course among Black relative to White people, a younger age at first birth may also maximize the chances that grandparents and other family members are available to help care White guy wants to enpregnant black women and interact with the baby. Although young childbearing might reduce their educational attainment, Black women face more limited opportunities for education than White women.

Burton and Tucker and Levine described the instability and insecurity that pervade the lives of poor Black women: employment opportunities that are limited to intermittent and low-wage jobs, few alternatives to reduce their breadwinner burden e. Because women view children as an available path to stability for themselves and hopefully for the fathers as well, motherhood is valued and sought after Burton ; Edin and Kefalas Because of residential segregation and discrimination, even at high levels of income or education, these race differences may exist regardless of socioeconomic characteristics.

Thus, if young Black women simultaneously internalize these local norms and conflicting societal norms against young parenthood, they may have ambivalence—positive and negative feelings—about young pregnancy Mollborn ; Sennott and Yeatman Alternatively, if the conflicting messages cause them to internalize neither set of norms, indifference about young pregnancy may be the result. Additionally, there is general concern that the concepts of intentions or planning apply primarily to White women, with their corresponding socioeconomic advantage. Similar to the arguments about mixed messages described in the paragraph, they argued that complexity and fluidity of pregnancy desires—along with differing cultural norms, stigma, and levels of fatalism—make some groups of women want to let things unfold naturally, or decide not to decide.

This le to our third hypothesis: Hypothesis 3: Young Black women's pregnancy plans are weaker or more fatalistic than their White counterparts' pregnancy plans. Finally, we also consider whether regardless of their prospectively measured preconception desire for pregnancy, Black women are more likely than White women to experience a negative shift in their feelings about pregnancy after they conceive. There are at least two reasons this may be the case: the material conditions in which young Black women experience their pregnancies, and the cultural stigma attached to young Black pregnancies.

They are less likely to be married when they conceive, compared with White women, and their intimate relationships may be more conflictual or partner-dominated than White women's Broman Many young women hope to change these circumstances—their own employment, their partner's employment, or the quality of their relationship—before becoming pregnant or between conception and the baby's birth Edin and Kefalas If young Black women are less able to improve these circumstances than White women, their feelings may be more likely than White women's feelings to shift negative as they come to grips with these circumstances.

Second, although young Black women have likely experienced racism, they may be unprepared for the intersectional stereotyping—based on their identities as young, Black, and probably unmarried—that they experience as a result of their pregnancies Cole ; Rosenthal and Lobel Although retrospective measures of preconception pregnancy desire ask pregnant women or mothers to recall their feelings before they became pregnant, this is a cognitively difficult task if their feelings have changed.

Thus, based on material conditions, stigma, and consistency bias, we hypothesize the following: Hypothesis 4: Young pregnant Black women's feelings are more likely than young pregnant White women's feelings to shift in a negative direction between their prospectively measured feelings about a potential pregnancy and their retrospectively measured preconception feelings about their actual pregnancy.

The sample of 1, young women was drawn from driver's and personal ID card records. A minute face-to-face baseline survey interview was conducted between March and July to assess sociodemographic characteristics, family background, attitudes, and early experiences related to sex and reproductive health.

At the conclusion of this baseline interview, respondents were invited to participate in a 2. The follow-up study concluded in January and yielded 58, weekly interviews. Sample characteristics are reported in Table 1. Two respondents did not consent to be audio recorded, and the recorder malfunctioned for another interview.

Two additional interviews did not result in usable data: one respondent seemed to be fabricating or dramatically embellishing her stories, and the other was nonparticipatory and distracted. For this article, we omit data from two additional respondents who identified as neither Black nor White. In all, the eligible sample of semi-structured interviews included 38 Black women and 32 White women.

All interviews were transcribed verbatim. Before analyzing the semi-structured data, the research team developed a list of codes to categorize each segment of text in the 2, s of transcribed interviews, using the proximate determinants of pregnancy sexual behavior, contraceptive use and characteristics of intimate relationships.

We used a hybrid inductive-deductive approach, allowing unforeseen to arise Miles and Huberman Two trained research assistants applied at least one code to all segments of text, and the research team met frequently to discuss discrepancies and develop intercoder reliability. We used NVivo to attach codes to the textual data to facilitate textual analyses.

In each weekly survey when they were not pregnant, young women were asked multiple questions about their prospective pregnancy desire. We use the following two questions: Desire for pregnancy : How much do you want to get pregnant during the next month? Desire to avoid pregnancy : How much do you want to avoid getting pregnant during the next month?

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We use these questions to create two dichotomous measures of pregnancy desire. Second, we code a score of 5 in response to the question about desire to avoid pregnancy as strongest desire to avoid pregnancy. First, desire for pregnancy and desire to avoid pregnancy are dichotomized into strong the top half of the response : 3, 4, 5 and weak the bottom half of the response : 0, 1, 2.

We further divide antinatal into two. Strong antinatal is the special case in which the desire for pregnancy was the weakest 0 and the desire to avoid pregnancy was the strongest 5. The remainder of the antinatal category is called moderate antinatal. We compare women's retrospective recollection of their preconception pregnancy desire with their prospective categorical combined measure of pregnancy desire.

Change in pregnancy desire is coded in two ways, as shown in Figure 1. Method A is conservative in regard to change: only switches from antinatal to desired shifted positive and from pronatal to undesired shifted negative are coded as change. Semi-structured interviews with all women focused on desires White guy wants to enpregnant black women plans for the future, and also focused on current pregnancies among those who were pregnant. Because the interviews also focused on current and prior intimate relationships, past pregnancies were often part of the discussion as well.

The exact questions depended on the flow of conversation and the vocabulary used by the respondents. Although desires and intentions are conceptually different, when asked what they wanted in terms of childbearing, these conversations about desires often evolved into discussions about specific plans.

Two percent of the respondents reported another race Asian, Pacific Islander, or Native American or did not identify a race; they are not included in our analyses. To create age at baseline continuous in exact yearswe use the respondent's birthdate from the driver's and personal ID card records. We use four dichotomous indicators of childhood disadvantage: mother had a teen birth ; mother's education was less than high school ; respondent grew up in a non-two-parent family grew up with only one biological parent or in another arrangement, such as with grandparents or an aunt ; and respondent received public assistance during childhood.

High school GPA is a continuous variable representing educational attainment up to the time of the baseline interview as well as the potential for future attainment. Respondents were coded as receiving public assistance at the time of the baseline interview if they indicated at least one of the following sources: Women, Infants and Children program WICFamily Independence Program FIP ; temporary assistance to families with children TANF ; cash welfare; or food stamps.

All questions were asked at the baseline interview and referred to the past. In each of these cases, we use the measure of pregnancy desire from the prior interview. Missing data for all other variables is multiply imputed using mi in Stata with 10 iterations by default. The percentage of cases multiply imputed is presented in Table 1. Overall, our analytic sample is 53, weekly interviews with respondents, White and Black. These women reported pregnancies during the study period, but 10 pregnancies are missing data on retrospective pregnancy desire; those pregnancies are not included in our regression model.

Six Black respondents and four White respondents did not discuss pregnancy desires or plans.

White guy wants to enpregnant black women

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