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I had to shoot him. Men in masks were beginning to chase him. He had been trying to get them to stop. Rittenhouse turned to face his pursuer. Three blocks to the north, he could see a line of four armored police personnel carriers: safety, it seemed to him.

Rittenhouse huffed along for a block and a half until he encountered a group of racial-justice protesters streaming south, drawn by his gunshots. But soon shouts relayed news of the shooting through the crowd. By the time Rittenhouse was within a block of reaching the police, roughly a dozen men were chasing him. Rittenhouse was a few steps ahead of the pack when he tripped. He slammed down on the asphalt and rolled onto his back, whipping his weapon toward his pursuers. A tall Black man tried unsuccessfully to drop-kick him, then dashed onward.

After the blast, the skateboarder staggered a few steps, clutching his chest, trying to keep his life from pouring out. Now a tall white man loomed over Rittenhouse. But Rittenhouse, with the bigger weapon, had the drop on him. Abruptly the man stepped forward. Rittenhouse squeezed the trigger.

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The biceps of the arm holding the pistol exploded into gore. The handgun clattered to the street. A fourth man was backing away, hands raised. Others were ducking behind trees and cars. The hooded skateboarder lay facedown in the street. The man whose arm had been blown open was kneeling nearby, shrieking for help. As Rittenhouse stood, the lights of the police vehicles illuminated his face—red, white, and blue—and he hustled toward them. He had some minor cuts and scrapes, but he was essentially unhurt.

Certainly, one. Probably, more. Many conservatives would lionize Rittenhouse as a hero, defending property and then himself against a mob. Many on the left would vilify him as a murderous white supremacist. The truth, however, was even more tragic than either side allowed. A warrant for third-degree felony sexual assault was out for Blake, stemming from allegations made by the same woman earlier that summer, and so Sheskey tried to arrest him.

Within minutes, Blake, Sheskey, and two other officers were wrestling on the lawn as a crowd gathered. Videos captured Blake struggling free and limping around the front of the SUV. The fabric stretched as Blake leaned inside the vehicle, still facing away.

Blake would later tell investigators that he was putting the knife away when Sheskey shot him. Indeed, what many people saw was a retreating Black man gunned in the back by a white police officer. A few minutes later, that video popped onto Hot ladies looking sex tonight Kenosha Wisconsin Facebook feed of Nick Dennis, a year-old Black Kenoshan who lived nearby. He immediately drove to where Blake had been shot.

Soon the normally quiet stretch of low-rent apartment buildings became crowded with locals chanting for justice. He received only traffic violations from then on, and even if he felt like the stops were petty harassment, he endured them, believing that a tall and muscular Black man like himself was always one misinterpreted gesture away from having his life derailed. He felt powerless to challenge the system. But earlier that summer, the death of George Floyd beneath the knee of a white police officer, and the subsequent nationwide racial-justice protests, catalyzed a profound transformation in him.

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I could only think if it was my sons. Our streets! Authorities had parked unmanned municipal garbage trucks sideways in the streets, creating a hasty barricade, but the masses overran them and made their way to the three-story station. In front of the police building, several dozen cops in riot gear, most of them white, formed a wall with shields and batons.

With the police bottled up, there was no one to check the crowd. People busted windows at the courthouse. They tore down a statue of a dinosaur outside a natural history museum. Dennis livestreamed much of what was happening from his cell phone. As he saw it, he was confronting America with the wages of what the police had wrought, in their shooting of Blake. In immersing himself in the next three nights of chaos, he would regard himself as a witness and an activist. When he could, he tried to prevent illegal acts and keep others safe; he warned people away from the burning garbage trucks, afraid they might explode.

But he realized that something more powerful than himself had been unleashed. Videos showed hundreds of people of diverse ethnicities and ages packing the park. Though probably dozens of them engaged in vandalism and arson, most, like Dennis, were simply bearing witness; some were even cheering, seemingly celebrating. It was the grief and uncertainty produced by a once-in-a-century pandemic. It was the partisan anger stoked by a historically divisive presidency and a scorched-earth election.

There was solidarity as the people tore their community apart. A primary tool of the police trade also fascinated Rittenhouse: guns. In the photo, he stands in a muddy yard, the weapon comically large in his stubby arms, its magazine well empty. Rittenhouse appeared to have had a rough time at school. InLewis sought a restraining order to protect her year-old son from a year-old middle school classmate. Say that going to hurt Kyle. In JanuaryRittenhouse traveled to a Trump rally and cheered for his presidential hero from the front row.

Instead, they shot targets.

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As the summer of passed, Rittenhouse began to careen into scrapes with other teenagers and the law. Then in late August, police clocked Rittenhouse driving at least 20 miles per hour over the speed limit on the freeway. Four days later, as Kenosha exploded with unrest, Rittenhouse may have glimpsed an opportunity.

Demonstrators peacefully marched through the city, blocking traffic. That afternoon, the National Guard arrived and police shut down nearby freeway exits, trying to stem the tide of incomers. At sundown, a curfew kicked in and some protesters went home. As demonstrators left the Civic Center, they began smashing and burning their way through town. They looted a Mexican restaurant, a Hispanic grocery, a beauty-products emporium owned by Korean immigrants, and a cell phone store run by a man of Palestinian descent, as well as a gas station and a payday lender, all of which were then burned.

The Kenosha Area Business Alliance would ultimately count about 40 businesses destroyed and at least another 40 damaged. In the coming days, authorities in Kenosha would blame outsiders for much of the violence committed in their city, pointing to more than 80 people they had arrested with non-Kenosha addresses, largely for curfew violations.

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But photos, videos, and arrest records show that those who destroyed Kenosha were locals and outsiders, white and Black. The next morning, August 25, Kyle Rittenhouse awoke in Kenosha. According to police documents, the boys decided that morning to the volunteer effort to clean up damage from the night before. A short time later, a photographer captured Rittenhouse scrubbing graffiti at a local high school, a yellow bottle of chemical cleaner in one latex-gloved hand and a brush in the other. His expression was grim. Around 4 p. Get back! Evening descended. Militia began pulling up to the Car Source lot in trucks and asking where they should station themselves, evidentially recognizing allies by their white skin and long guns.

Eventually, the arriving militia assembled around two gas stations at the southern end of the block; according to one militiaman, the owner of one establishment was giving out free drinks and thanking people for coming. Some of the militia were Kenoshans seeking to protect their city. Others, however, wore the Hawaiian shirts of the nihilistic Boogaloo Bois, a group whose most extreme members seek to overthrow the government. A Facebook post suggested some may have been a part of another militaristic anti-government faction called the Three Percenters.

Some left-wing activists may have traveled similar distances. Around 6 p. They had avoided the roadblocks police had set up by looping south across the Illinois border and then traveled along the back ro into town.

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According to a certain type of American logic, his gun made him a patriotic militiaman and granted him the right to be there. Rittenhouse and armed militiamen patrol the streets. In an orange backpack he carried bandages, solution for washing tear gas from eyes, chest seals, and a tourniquet—supplies he never expected he might need for himself. He also had a pistol, tucked under his T-shirt, for self-defense; though he had had some misdemeanor scrapes with the law, he had no felonies and had a concealed-carry permit.

Unlike many street medics, whose credentials merely consisted of two strips of red duct tape pasted into a cross on their backpacks, Grosskreutz had worked in ambulances as a paramedic. But several years earlier he had enrolled in college, hoping to combine his medical skills with a new profession, like educating kids in the outdoors. Soon, he had outfitted a pickup truck with medical supplies—making it into a sort of improvised ambulance—and started showing up regularly at Black Lives Matter protests. He quickly became a leader among Milwaukee-area street medics and, despite his own leftist politics, committed himself to treating anybody who needed assistance.

Now, he kept an eye out for the serious injuries, as the conflict escalated.

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When police released a fog of teargas, a demonstrator with a leaf blower began redirecting it toward the police line. Snipers on the roof of the courthouse tried to blast the man with pepper balls as protesters used trash can-lids to shield him. Dozens of cameras recorded the photogenic moment.

Soon, the umbrella man was grabbed by officers, and the authorities kept advancing. Then Grosskreutz heard a scream. About 50 feet away, a young woman was curled up on the ground.

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A rubber bullet had lacerated her arm. Grosskreutz applied direct pressure to stem the bleeding. Under the direction of his lawyer, Grosskreutz declined to describe what happened next. But videos show he reed the protesters as the police drove them south, toward where Rittenhouse and the militia awaited. The two men say that the officer, having delivered her warning, pulled away in a patrol car.

The Kenosha Police Department, which will be contesting multimillion-dollar legal claims alleging that its officers contributed to the violence, declined to comment. The former infantryman had taken the nervous Rittenhouse under his wing, thinking he could keep an eye on him.

But I also have my med kit. What happened next is recorded in the numerous hours of footage that GQ synced together. As the crowd reached Car Source, Balch began shooing away protesters, who looked wound-up and disheveled and on the videos. The militia quickly found reason to feel antagonized by the protesters, and vice versa. Still, both sides maintained a relative truce, and Rittenhouse even appeared to treat a young female protester whose foot had been injured by a rubber bullet.

Things started to escalate when the BearCats pushed the throng of protesters south past the Car Source to the two gas stations where many of the militia had gathered. Protesters and militia faced off, screaming. At the center of the confrontation was an enraged stocky white man, in a red T-shirt, who shouted repeatedly in the face of a white militiaman, daring the militiaman to shoot him.

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Kenosha update recap: Aug. 28 Jacob Blake, protest shooting coverage